A Texas farm
boy, James Earl Rudder became internationally famous as a D-Day hero. A
deeply conservative man who lacked the proper academic credentials, he
nevertheless ruled as president of Texas A&M when the tradition-bound
school underwent sweeping reforms. Under Rudder, A&M changed its
name, desegregated, admitted women for the first time, and ended the
requirement that students serve in its paramilitary "Corps of
Cadets." This passage describes the deeply emotional response
provoked when Rudder implemented a change in the name of the college.
Even as
A&M made its rough transition to a coeducational future, however,
Aggies found themselves contending with another controversy. Almost
simultaneously with a new admissions policy, the college Board of Directors and
the state legislature moved ahead with long-discussed plans to change the name
of the school, to replace the word “college” with “university” as part of the
general campaign to enhance A&M’s public image. A name change had
been suggested by the Century Council and in the faculty Aspirations report, but action on this still caught a
disoriented A&M community by surprise.
School
officials knew that one again they would be trouncing on the toes of sensitive
alumni. The College Name Change Committee considered several arguments
against a name change, including the fact that the “College with its present
name has built up an identity in the public mind which would be lost,” that a
name change might “necessitate a change in the institution’s songs, yells,
ring, etc,” and, perhaps most importantly such a change would not only alienate
the “support and good will” of some alumni but would stoke already high fears
of further changes regarding the Corps, coeducation, and so on.
As early as
1961, some faculty members, including the Chemistry Department’s A.F. Isbell,
lobbied strongly for changing the name to Texas State University. Isbell
believed that the new name not only advertised the school’s emerging status as
a university, but as a top-notch state supported institution. To Isbell,
acquiring this name represented a matter of urgency.
“It is no
secret that Texas Tech would like to have its name changed to Texas State
University, North Texas State would also like to adopt this name, and when the
University of Houston becomes a state-supported school, it would be no surprise
if this school also asks for this name,” Isbell wrote in a letter to
Name-Change Committee Chair Lee Duewall. “If one of these schools is successful
in getting its name changed to Texas State University, its gain in prestige in
comparison to the loss to A&M would be disastrous. Regardless of
our name, we would be regarded generally by those outside this immediate
locality as no higher than the third ranking school of this state.”
Isbell argued
that he found it “impossible to think of a more concise or more descriptive
name than the simple Texas State University.” Isbell argued that if
“A&M” remained part of the school name, it would invite criticism since
the initials would no longer stand for the limiting designation “Agricultural
and Mechanical.” Instead, it would be a mere symbolic reference to a past that
the newly-designated university should try to escape. “The names that would be
completely unacceptable to me are such names as: Texas A&M University
or simply A&M University,” he wrote. “Such names not only fail to
describe the school adequately, but more important, I believe they would make
us the laughing stock of the country. Finally, such a name would put us
in company with the only other school to my knowledge which has such a name –
Florida A&M University, which is a school for colored students only.”
Actually, at the point Isbell’s letter was written, 10 institutions still
retained “Agricultural and Mechanical” as part of their name, including
Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College and Prairie
View A&M, a segregated black institution that was part of the Texas
A&M system. Even if an association with black colleges made some Texans
likes Isbell uncomfortable, however, his call for a completely new name gained
little traction among alumni.
To Bob Layton,
A&M class of 1945, “A&M” held an important metaphorical, not a
literal meaning. “It does not mean Agricultural and Mechanical College of
Texas,” he wrote on January 13, 1961. “It means a way of life found no
other place in the world. It is a factory which builds men to meet
today’s challenges. It is a heritage which has been paid for by years of
hard work, and by many lives who fought to defend that heritage.”
Sentiments such as those expressed by Isbell represented nothing less than part
of a communist conspiracy to Layton. “We want the best school we can
possibly have, but let’s not sell our heritage to get it,” he declared.
“The communists have vowed to take this country by 1973 without firing a shot,
by destroying freedom of thought, or individualism. Let’s not make it
easy for them. These are the real issues involved . . . Did you know that
Texas A&M is one of the few major schools which does not have known
‘pink’ faculty members[?] This is commendable. Let’s keep it that
way.” On August 23, 1963, Layton got his wishes when the state Legislature
approved changing the name of Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas to
Texas A&M University. Reformers got the “university” designation they
wanted while traditionalists like Layton could celebrate that the school
remained “Texas A&M” and could retain most of its old fight songs
without rewrites, its traditional cheers, and the name ‘Aggies” for its sports
teams.
This was still
too much for Jack Gallagher of the Houston Post, who fumed in a column, “When they start
tampering with the good name of Texas A&M, well they’ve overstepped
their bounds . . . They’ve ruined something sacred, our song, the song that
belongs not just to the Aggies, but to everyone . . ‘We’re the
Aggies from AMC.’”
“White
Metropolis: Race, Ethnicity and Religion in Dallas, Texas, 1841-2001” (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 2006).
“The House Will
Come to Order: How the Texas Speaker Became a Power in State and National
Politics.” Co-Written with Patrick Cox. (Austin: University of Texas Press,
2010).
Walter Buenger
and Arnoldo de León, eds., “Beyond Texas Through Time: Breaking Away From Past
Interpretations” (College Station: Texas A&M Press, 2011).
Bruce A.
Glasrud and Cary D. Wintz, eds., “The Harlem Renaissance in the West: The New
Negroes’ Western Experience” (New York: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group,
2011).
Richardson
Dilworth, ed. “Cities in American Political History” (Washington, D.C.: CQ
Press, 2011).
He will also be
co-author of the forthcoming “The Radical Origins of the Texas Right” (edited
by David Cullen and Kyle Wilkison) due to be published in 2012 by Texas
A&M University Press; and “American Dreams and Reality: A Retelling of
the American Story,” to be published the same year by Abigail Press.
He is currently
collaborating, with longtime journalist Betsy Friauf, on a history of Bishop
College, an African American institution originally established in Marshall,
Texas, that relocated to Dallas by the 1960s before suffering bankruptcy in the
1980s. The two plan to create a website and author a book, “’God Carved in
Night’: Afro-Texan Culture, Political Activism And the Rise and Fall Of Bishop
College” based on this project.
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